The Reptilian Nazca Alien 2025
What would they look like . . .
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Opinion: Wikipedia is missing some data in their telling of history, they are a good start, but you need to use three sources to check times and story lines, Wikipedia can be a good start, do not count on them the full truth from them . . .
Chan Chan is located in the mouth of the Moche Valley and was the capital of the historical empire of the Chimor from 900 to 1470, when they were defeated and incorporated into the Inca Empire. Chimor, a conquest state, developed from the Chimú culture which established itself along the Peruvian coast around 900 CE.
Chan Chan is in a particularly arid section of the coastal desert of northern Peru.[7] Due to the lack of rain in this area, the major source of non-salted water for Chan Chan is in the form of rivers carrying surface runoff from the Andes. This runoff allows for control of land and water through irrigation systems.
The city of Chan Chan spanned 20 square kilometers (7.7 sq mi; 4,900 acres) and had a dense urban center of six square kilometers (2.3 sq mi; 1,500 acres) which contained extravagant ciudadelas. Ciudadelas were large architectural masterpieces which housed plazas, storerooms, and burial platforms for the royals. The splendor of these ciudadelas suggests their association with the royal class. Housing for the lower classes of Chan Chan's hierarchical society are known as small, irregular agglutinated rooms (SIARs). Because the lower classes were often artisans whose role in the empire was to produce crafts, many of these SIARs were used as workshops.
Etymology
The original meaning and the language of origin of the place name Chan Chan remain unresolved issues among specialists.
Among others, scholars such as Ernst Middendorf, Jorge Zevallos Quiñones, Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino and Matthias Urban have dealt with the question. The puzzle is made difficult by the erratic nature of its written record in colonial documents and by the linguistic situation of the pre-Hispanic North Peruvian coast.
As is known, the Trujillo region presented the Mochica, Quingnam, Culli and Quechua languages, among others, of which only Mochica and Quechua are sufficiently documented.
Regarding the variation in its written record, the toponym appears for the first time in documentation written as 'Cauchan' in the foundation act of the Trujillo town council of 1536.
It has also been proposed that the name 'Canda' offered by Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo to refer to Trujillo is another written variant of the modern Chan Chan.
The form 'Chanchan' only appears in documentation in a stable manner from the mid-17th century onwards.
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Inca mythology of the Inca Empire was based on pre-Inca beliefs that can be found in the Huarochirí Manuscript, and in pre-Inca cultures including Chavín, Paracas, Moche, and the Nazca culture.
The mythology informed and supported Inca religion.
One of the most important figures in pre-Inca Andean beliefs was the creator deity Viracocha. During Inca times, Viracocha remained significant - he was seen as the creator of all things, or the substance from which all things are created, and intimately associated with the sea.
According to legend, the founder of the Inca Dynasty in Peru and the Cusco Dynasty at Cusco was Manco Cápac.
His history is unclear, especially concerning his rule at Cuzco and his origins. In one story, he was the son of Viracocha.
In another, he was raised from the depths of Lake Titicaca by the sun god Inti. Commoners were not allowed to speak the name of Viracocha, which is possibly an explanation for the need for three foundation legends rather than just one.
Inca cosmology was ordered in three spatio-temporal levels or Pachas.
These included: Uku Pacha ("the lower world"), which was located within the earth's surface; Kay Pacha, which was the material world; and Hanan Pacha ("higher world"), which was the world above us where the sun and moon lived.
Inca society was influenced by the local animal populations; both as food, textile, and transport sources, as well as religious and cultural cornerstones.
Many myths and legends of the Inca include or are solely about an animal or a mix of animals and their interactions with the gods, humans, and or natural surroundings.
Animals were also important in Incan astronomy, with the Milky Way symbolized as a river, with the stars within it being symbolized as animals that the Inca were familiar with in and around this river.
Pre-Inca Andean beliefs
Pre-Inca beliefs can be found in the Huarochirí Manuscript, a 17th-century text that records the myths, culture, and beliefs of people in the Huarochirí Province of the Western Andes. Other pre-Inca cultures include Chavín, Paracas, Moche, and the Nazca culture.
One of the most important figures in pre-Inca Andean beliefs is the creator deity Viracocha, who even during Inca times was one of the most important deities in the Inca pantheon and seen as the creator of all things, or the substance from which all things are created, and intimately associated with the sea.
In pre-Incan Andean iconography Viracocha takes the form of a Staff God, characterized by front-facing figures holding vertical objects which are referred to as "staffs".
As the chief deity, Viracocha was the creator god and served as the primary religious icon of the entire Peruvian Andes, particularly during the Early Horizon (900-200 BC) onwards.
Basic beliefs
Scholarly research demonstrates that Runa (Quechua speakers) belief systems were integrated with their view of the cosmos, especially in regard to the way that the Runa observed the motions of the Milky Way and the solar system as seen from Cusco.
The capital of Tawantinsuyu whose name means "rock of the owl".
From this perspective, their stories depict the movements of constellations, planets, and planetary formations, which are all connected to their agricultural cycles. This was especially important for the Runa, as they relied on cyclical agricultural seasons, which were not only connected to annual cycles, but to a much wider cycle of time (every 800 years at a time). T
his way of keeping time was deployed in order to ensure the cultural transmission of key information, in spite of regime change or social catastrophes.
The indigenous peoples of Huarochirí in the Andean region would offer nourishment and beverages to their deceased, believing that the departed would embark to Paria Caca and that it was imperative to honor their deceased through these rituals.
The manuscript suggested that death endured for five days, following which the departed reunited with the living:
"The dead used to come back after five days. When they were about to return, people waited for them with prepared food and drinks. When the dead arrived, they’d just say, 'I’m back!' and rejoice immensely in the company of their elders and their brothers. They’d say, 'Now I’ll never die again forever!' "
In "Southern Andean Iconographic Series" the Staff God pose is a religious icon and a standardized pose reminiscent in its way of the standardized poses in Byzantine art.
The pose shows a front-facing human or human-like figure with vertical attributes, one in each hand.
There is no uniform representation of a "Staff God".
Dozens of variations of "Staff Gods" exist. Some scholars think that some of these personages are possible depictions of Viracocha or Thunupa (the Aymara weather god).
However, there is little evidence to support the idea that these front-facing figures do represent deities.
Some researchers point to their attributes and spatial organization which seem to indicate that they are ritual practitioners.
Some attributes in their hands were identified as Qirus (Andean ritual cups), Snuff trays (used in ceremonial contexts) and Spear-throwers.
The "rays" radiating or sprouting out of the faces of Tiwanaku front-facing figures appear to have approximately the value of an aureole. They may represent flows and distribution of energy.
At the Wari site of Conchopata a vessel was found which shows a Staff God in which the "rays" can be interpreted as a Anadenanthera colubrina tree sprouting from its head whereas the circular elements do represent its seed pods.
The oldest known depiction of a Staff God was found in 2003 on some broken gourd fragments in a burial site in the Pativilca River Valley (Norte Chico region) and carbon dated to 2250 BCE.
This makes it the oldest religious icon to be found in the Americas.
There are scholars who maintain that the Wari-Tiwanaku Staff God is the forerunner of the Incan principal gods, Sun, Moon, and Thunder.
It served as the primary religious icon of the entire Peruvian Andes, particularly during the Early Horizon (900-200 BC) and beyond.
The worship of Staff Gods spread to the Central Andes during the Middle Horizon (600-1000 CE) This is supported by excavated Middle Horizon artifacts that resembled the Staff-God.
Representations and iconography
The staff god was a basic iconography shared by the cultures of pre-Columbian Peru, particularly those occupying the northern coast and the southern highlands. This is seen in the stylistic uniformity of the icons and representations, which suggested widespread adherence.
There were varying depictions of the Staff-God among these Andean cultures. However, it was often portrayed as a deity in apotheosis, with hands always holding instruments of power.
For instance, an artifact found at Chavin de Huantar showed the deity holding a Spondylus and Strombus shells, which were female and male symbols, respectively. This representation indicated how the Staff-God wielded authority to maintain social harmony and the Andean ideal of gender complementarity.
Another Early Horizon sculpted stone, the Raimondi Stele, is perhaps the most popular representation and depicted the Staff-God as a sky or lightning god plunging down to earth.
Representations of the southern highland staff god did not only carry motifs but were also presented with accompanying consorts in the form of deities painted on textiles used to decorate temple walls or ceramic vessels.
The Staff God has one of the most important iconographical elements in central Andean archaeology and this is prominent in both portable and fixed art using different media such as stone, textile, and ceramic.
A form of the staff god, for example, takes a central role in the Sun Gate of the Tiwanaku culture, a single-stone monolith. Tunics and ceramics from both the Tiwanaku and Wari cultures of the Middle Horizon period showcase a similar god.
Another example is the giant offering jars found at Qunchupata. They were painted with the Staff-God's image, one that bears resemblance to the god's depiction at the back of the Tiwanaku's Ponce Monolith
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The Nazca lines (/ˈnɑːzkə/, /-kɑː/) are a group of over 1400 geoglyphs made in the soil of the Nazca Desert in southern Peru.
They were created between 500 BC and 500 AD by people making depressions or shallow incisions in the desert floor, removing pebbles and leaving different-colored dirt exposed.
There are two major phases of the Nazca lines, Paracas phase, from 400 to 200 BC, and Nazca phase, from 200 BC to 500 AD.
In the 21st century, several hundred new figures had been found with the use of drones, and archaeologists believe that there are more to be found.
Most lines run straight across the landscape, but there are also figurative designs of animals and plants. The combined length of all the lines is more than 1,300 km (800 mi), and the group covers an area of about 50 km2 (19 sq mi).
The lines are typically 10 to 15 cm (4–6 in) deep. They were made by removing the top layer of reddish-brown ferric oxide–coated pebbles to reveal a yellow-grey subsoil. The width of the lines varies considerably, but more than half are slightly more than 33 cm (13 in) wide. In some places they may be only 30 cm (12 in) wide, and in others reach 1.8 m (6 ft) wide.
Some of the Nazca lines form shapes that are best seen from the air (at around 500 m [1,600 ft]), although they are also visible from the surrounding foothills and other high places.
The shapes are usually made from one continuous line. The largest ones are about 370 m (400 yd) long. Because of its isolation and the dry, windless, stable climate of the plateau, the lines have mostly been preserved naturally.
Extremely rare changes in weather may temporarily alter the general designs. As of 2012, the lines are said to have been deteriorating because of an influx of squatters inhabiting the lands.
The figures vary in complexity. Hundreds are simple lines and geometric shapes; more than 70 are zoomorphic designs, including a hummingbird, arachnid, fish, condor, heron, monkey, lizard, dog, cat, and a human. Other shapes include trees and flowers. Scholars differ in interpreting the purpose of the designs, but in general, they ascribe religious significance to them. They were designated in 1994 as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
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Tumi (Quechua for 'Knife', variants: 'Tome', 'Tume'), is a generic term encompassing the many kinds of sharp tools utilized in pre- and post-colonial eras of the Central Andes region.
Tumis were employed for a diverse set of purposes such as kitchen knives, agricultural tools, warrior or hunting secondary weapons, sacrificial knives, barber implements, pendants, or medical tools.
In addition, the tumi form, in metal, was used as a type of coin. Pre-columbian Tumis were usually made of metal or stone.
Overview
Perhaps the highly ornate ax-shaped ceremonial tumis made by the north coastal Peruvian cultures are the most widely acknowledged, characterized by a semi-circular blade, made of either bronze, copper, gold-alloy, silver alloy or wood and often inlayed with semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli.
Sacrificial Tumis are most often associated with Pre-Inca cultures in the Peruvian North Coastal Region and in some cases with the Inca culture itself.
The most popular examples of ornamental tumis are associated with the Peruvian cultures of the Chimu and the Sican (also known as Lambayeque).
In Inca mythology, Incas were descendants of the Sun God Inti, who was worshipped annually with an extravagant celebration known as the 'Inti Raymi'rata (Quechua for "sun festival"), which is still alluded to today in the form of the Inti Raymi Festival.
The festival took place at the end of the potato and maize harvest in order to thank the Sun for the abundant crops or to ask for better crops during the next season.
During this important religious ceremony, the High Priest would sacrifice a completely black or White llama. Using a tumi, he would open the animal's belly and, with his hands, pull out its bowels, so that observing those elements he could foretell the future. Later, the animal and its parts were completely incinerated.
Thanks to archaeological research, it is known that Andean cultures such as the Paracas or Inca have used tumis for the neurological procedure of skull trepanation.
Many of these operations were carefully performed, suggesting that the surgery was done for the relief of some body disturbance other than that associated with injury,
perhaps an organic or mental condition.
The functional tumi knives used by cultures of Peru, such as the Paracas, different in composition to those highly ornamental tumis of the Lambayeque and Chimu, as the ornate tumis from these cultures were only functional in a symbolic ceremonial manner, due to the use of soft metals.
These soft metals would not have allowed for the actual killing of animal or cutting of any kind of flesh.
In the Peruvian north coastal area, ornate Tumi knives were produced for ritual use by elite members of society which included them being used in elite burial ceremonies.
On November 21, 2006, archaeologists announced that they had unearthed 22 graves in northern Peru containing pre-Inca artifacts.
Among the artifacts were the first semi-circular metallic tumi knives ever discovered by archaeologists. All previous examples had been recovered from grave looters.
In 1936, a Sican tumi was discovered in the valley of Batan Grande, Illimo, Lambayeque, Peru. It is really more an ax than a knife with a weight of 992 grams, height 41 cm.
This tumi is believed to have the figure of Naylamp on its top, as many Sican culture's tumis are thought to have a depiction of this symbolic figure.
Naylamp was a mythic hero and founder of the Sican culture, also known as Lambayeque culture, that was begotten from a totemic bird with his same name, Ñaylamp.
The legend goes, that when Ñaylamp died, or disappeared, after founding the Lambayeque culture, he grew wings and flew into the sky.
This hero-king founder of Lambayeque built a temple named Chot where he placed a large stone that he called Llampallec, which means statue of Ñaylamp.
In this temple many ceremonies and rituals were offered using a tumi.
The knife or Tumi of Illimo is represented with a mask of a bird, wings and bird shaped eyes.
The mythic stories about the bird named Ñaylamp and the hero warrior founder of Lambayeque are represented in the knife or Tumi of Illimo by a birdman.
Sican's tumi knives often include depictions of birds or winds in order to symbolize Naylamp as well.
Portrays of Naylamp, the "Sican Lord" abruptly disappear from Sican art in the Late Sican phase (1100-1375). is believed Sican goes through a phase of revitalization of the religion going back to traditional relationships with nature, icons include felines, fish, and birds as the main focus that were secondary to the Sican Deity and the Sican Lord during the previous eras, but were also linked to previous cultures in the area.
In modern Peru, to hang a tumi on a wall means good luck. The tumi is the national symbol of Peru and has become a symbol used in Peruvian tourism publicity and can be found depicted on tourist gifts such as mugs and key chains.
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